Showing posts with label nigeria. Show all posts
Showing posts with label nigeria. Show all posts

Friday, 11 November 2011

Nigeria Boko Haram attack 'kills 63' in Damaturu


Saturday, 5 November 2011



Map of Nigeria
A series of bomb and gun attacks in the north-eastern Nigerian town of Damaturu has killed at least 63 people, the Red Cross says.
Witnesses said the bombs hit several targets, including churches and the headquarters of the Yobe state police.
Many people are reported to have fled the town after a night of violence.
The Islamist militant group Boko Haram told a newspaper it was behind the attack and that it planned to hit further government targets.
President Goodluck Jonathan was "greatly disturbed" by the attack, and said his government was working hard to bring those "determined to derail peace and stability in the country to book", according to a spokesman.
A series of attacks on security forces in the nearby city of Maiduguri recently have also been blamed on Boko Haram.
Nigerian Red Cross official Ibrahim Bulama, in Damaturu, told the BBC at least 63 people had been killed there.


The attack on Damaturu directly contradicts the government's oft repeated line that they are about to "solve" Nigeria's Boko Haram problem. Perhaps that is why it has been so hard to get an official comment.
Far from disappearing, Nigeria's Islamic militants appear to be evolving and gaining strength.
The attack on the United Nations building in Abuja in August shocked many because it showed Boko Haram no longer regarded their enemy as being just the Nigerian security forces.
These attacks on Damaturu are Boko Haram's bloodiest strike to date. The main target was once again the police but the scope and power of the assault certainly does not suggest a problem that's about to go away.
He said two other people had been killed in attacks elsewhere. News agencies said the nearby town of Potiskum had also been attacked.
The BBC's Jonah Fisher, in Nigeria's commercial capital, Lagos, says this attack appears to be Boko Haram's bloodiest strike to date.
People visiting morgues have reported seeing 92 bodies, says our correspondent.
An unnamed local government official in Damaturu was quoted by AFP news agency as saying that hundreds of wounded people were being treated in hospital.
Witnesses said the attacks began on Friday at about 18:30 (17:30 GMT) and lasted for about 90 minutes.
Gunmen then engaged in running battles with security forces.
'Church torched' A Roman Catholic parish priest told our correspondent his church had been burnt down and eight other churches also attacked.


Boko Haram: Timeline of terror

  • 2002: Founded
  • 2009: Hundreds killed when Maiduguri police stations stormed
  • 2009: Boko Haram leader Mohammed Yusuf captured by army, handed to police, later found dead
  • Sep 2010: Freed hundreds of prisoners from Maiduguri jail
  • Dec 2010: Bombed Jos, killing 80 people and blamed for New Year's Eve attack on Abuja barracks
  • 2010-2011: Dozens killed in Maiduguri shootings
  • May 2011: Bombed several states after president's inauguration
  • Jun 2011: Police HQ bombed in Abuja
  • Aug 2011: UN HQ bombed in Abuja
He described gangs of young men roaming the streets throwing improvised bombs into the churches.
The attacks followed a triple suicide bomb attack on a military headquarters in Maiduguri, in neighbouring Borno state.
Military officials said the three attackers had died. 
Boko Haram, which means "Western education is forbidden", has launched frequent attacks on the police and government officials.
A known spokesman for the group contacted called Nigeria's Daily Trust newspaper to claim responsibility for the attacks on Maiduguri and Damaturu. 
"We will continue attacking federal government formations until security forces stop their excesses on our members and vulnerable civilians," he said.

Saturday, 30 October 2010

Rare earth: The New Great Game

Rare earth: The New Great Game

Post categories: , , ,

Paul Mason | 14:57 UK time, Wednesday, 18 November 2009

The rare earth story goes to the heart of China's relationship with the West - not just that, but to the heart of the West's inability to understand China.

It is a complicated story, involving a whole chunk of the Periodic Table, high secrecy, patent battles and conspiracy theory.

But it boils down to this - 97% of the specialist metals that are crucial to green technology are currently mined in China.

China is already limiting exports and has plans to limit them some more. As a result much of the hi-tech metals industry is also moving to China.

As you can see in my film for Newsnight:


First the science.

There are 17 rare earth metals; they have got their own special bit of the Periodic Table.

In nature they are mainly found clumped together underground in specific types of rock and ore, so they have to be separated.

It takes a large quantity of rock to make a tiny quantity of rare earth. And the rock can often be radioactive. For now just try and remember two elements - Lanthanum and Neodymium.

In the early 1980s a US company called Ovonics perfected a rechargeable battery using rare earth metals that would form the basis of a whole branch of experimentation in electric and hybrid cars.

For geeks, the battery is a Nickel Metal Hydride battery (NiMH) and uses, primarily, Lanthanum.

But remember the name Ovonics. The firm formed a JV with General Motors, ceding 60% ownership to the car giant.

Meanwhile in 1982 General Motors discovered a new compound that could make cheap, highly effective, permanent magnets, again using a rare earth - in this case Neodymium.

Again for geeks - the nomenclature is a Neodimium-Iron-Boron magnet (NdFeB).

The primary effort at turning science into commercial technology here took place in the United States, with GM at the hub.

In parallel, these scientists were putting in place the key technologies for green capitalism:

• battery powered cars would become crucial in the effort to wean us off the petrol engine and;

• permanent magnets are a crucial component in almost any gadget that moves or sees or is guided by a computer.

And both technologies rely on rare earth metals.

Now the geology.

As far as we know there is rare earth ore in California, Canada, South Africa, Brazil, Vietnam and Australia. There's even some in Greenland.

But the mother lode is sitting under the mountains 50km (30 miles) north of the Inner Mongolian city of Baotou, in the Bayan Obo mine.

In addition to Bayan Obo, China has also found massive deposits in Sichuan.

As Deng Xiao Ping presciently commented, at a time when electric cars and wind power seemed like ecotopian wet dreams: "Arabia has oil, China has rare earth".

The story of how China seized a stranglehold on the ore supply and then large parts of the metallurgy is a modern epic.

"Either by stupidity or design" says one industry insider, "the Chinese flooded the market in the mid 1990s and collapsed the price. Almost everybody else went out of business".

For the purposes of today, there are three big potential sources of rare earth outside China - in California, Canada and Australia.

The Californian mine has not produced since 1998, the Australian mine was set to start production in 2011 but has just lost its financing and the Canadian mine likewise is aiming at 2011. Together their annual production could amount to one third of China's.

Each of these projects has been hampered by lack of finance, particularly since the financial collapse of 2008. Some industry voices say the danger of China flooding the market again, making the mines uneconomic, means only a strategic rather than pure economic view makes them viable.

So with the doubling of demand and the collapse of non-Chinese supply, China ended up with 97% of the ore market.

But as the industry for processing the metal and making products out of it developed rapidly in the late 1990s and this decade, China has also managed to bring much of that on-shore as well.

In addition to producing nearly all the rare earth metals, companies operating in China consumes 60% of the stuff.

How has it achieved this? First by relentless state-backed focus.

If you do a web search for the scientific papers on rare earth, a lot of Chinese results come back. China's metallurgy industry flourished while the West's declined.

But increasingly China has started to pare back exports. It places an export tax on rare earth and a quota. In each of the last two years the quota has been shrunk by 20%.

There is of course, this being China, a flourishing black market. In addition to the 35,000 tonnes officially exported, another 20,000 tonnes were somehow consumed outside China.

There is also endemic illegal mining of the stuff in the Chinese deserts. This export limit is an overt signal to producers of rare earth products that, to ensure supply, they need to move production into the People's Republic of China.

Now, in addition to the export restrictions so far, another problem is looming. China's demand is predicted to equal the entire Chinese supply by 2012.

In a recently released - but not published in the West - draft report, Rare Earths Industry Development Plan 2009-2015, the Chinese government pondered a complete ban on five heavy rare earth elements and a cap on exports at the current level (35,000 tonnes).

Officials later downplayed this, reminding journalists that since "no-one wants to give up profits" the quotas are rarely enforced. However, if they were enforced - ie if smuggling was stopped - it would be a big problem.

Unless the non-Chinese mines ramp up production, there will be a shortage outside China. So Western companies who want to manufacture have, increasingly, got to move onto the Chinese mainland.

As Dr Ian Higgins of the Birkenhead rare earth firm Less Common Metals told Newsnight:

"What you're going to get is no opportunity for manufacturing outside of China. And it just depends how far you think it's acceptable to take this policy. Somewhere along the line do we say 'yes, the world does need some strategic control in terms of manufacturing these materials'?"

Now to the reasons why this is such a problem for the rest of us.

The wind farm and the hybrid car - the two key technologies in the transition to green energy use - are completely reliant on rare earths.

There is about a tonne of rare earth magnets in a wind turbine and about 2kg of Neodymium in the rechargeable battery of a Toyota Prius, plus another kilogram or so of Lanthanum and Praeseodimium in the drive train up the front.

(For those whose focus is more on blowing people to smithereens, it is also disconcerting that guided munitions such as the US's JDam bomb cannot function without rare earth magnets.)

Now to the response of the two big manufacturing powers outside China - the US and Japan. How have they coped with this complex problem of rising new technology creating a resource monopoly for China?

In summary, very differently.

Japan's car manufacturers jumped into the electronic vehicle game early. As a result a joint venture between Toyota and Panasonic is the world's leading manufacturer of rechargeable NiMH batteries.

Likewise on the magnet front, again largely due to the foresight of Toyota and its ilk, Japan makes the majority of the the Neo magnets that are not made in China.

Japanese companies hold an unspecified stockpile of the key materials. In addition Toyota has become the first car maker to own a mine - it has set up a rare earth mine in Vietnam which will solely produce for its car plants.

In addition, according to The Times newspaper, about 20% of all Japanese rare earth imports are black market. One Japanese offical told The Times:

"If the Chinese export quota limits were the reality of what comes into Japan each year, we would be even more worried than we already are."

Now what you can say about Japan's attitude to rare earth is that it is canny. The state and major companies are aligned, they're combining geo-politics with realpolitik up to - if The Times is correct - the point of tolerating a black market.

They have, in the process, gained the best part of a decade's head start on the West in cleantech cars. And, though they are reliant on China for rare earth, they have effectively pulled China into an Asia-centric rare earth economy.

Contrast this with the US. It was not just the free market that closed the Mountain Pass mine in California, but environmental concerns about radiation.

But for whatever reason the US allowed its own rare earth source - the second largest in the world - to go out of business.

Next, the rare earth magnet business. In 1996, GM sold its magnet business, Magnequench, to a Chinese-led consortium. It then moved large parts of its Neo magnet production operations to China.

Magnequench has now been taken over by a joint Chinese-Canadian business, but the bulk of its operations remain in China.

There is a large literature of political claim and counterclaim over this.

Next the rare earth battery business.

In the late 1990s GM famously scrapped its work on the EV1 plug in car and crushed all known models out in the desert.

It sold Ovonics, together with the patents for the key battery technologies, to Chevron/Texaco - an oil company - which successfully sued Toyota to maintain intellectual property rights over of the technology.

The resulting company was named Cobasys. During its period of ownership by Chevron it failed to produce NiMH batteries in large numbers. A highly polemical account of this can be found in the Sony Pictures film Who Killed The Electric Car?

In 2004, a protracted legal dispute between Cobasys and Toyota/Panasonic was resolved by the Japanese firms agreeing to pay Cobasys about $30m and also royalties on the batteries sold in America out to 2013.

As a result of the legal settlement the battery situation in the US is beginning to free up, but the legal battle leaves those promoting hybrids - and their next-generation development, the plug-in hybrid - rueing their dependence on non-US manufactured NiMH batteries.

Sherry Boschert, author of a book on electric cars, wrote in 2007: "It's possible that Cobasys (Chevron) is squelching all access to large NiMH batteries through its control of patent licenses in order to remove a competitor to gasoline.

"Or it's possible that Cobasys simply wants the market for itself and is waiting for a major automaker to start producing plug-in hybrids or electric vehicles."

Cobasys has now been sold to a JV between Samsung and Bosch, which specialises in the rival Li-Ion battery (which is not so rare earth dependent).

What matters, in the long-run, is that the US lost any kind of lead in electric car battery manufacturing and left the Japanese complex of Toyota, Panasonic and Sanyo as the NiMH battery superpower.

It has also taken a major bet on Li-Ion technology which some commentators doubt is wise.

Meanwhile, when Panasonic and Sanyo merged, China's competition regulator this year ordered these two Japanese companies to divest part of their rare earth battery business.

There are no prizes for guessing which country's cash rich state-backed companies will be queuing to take this division off their hands.

Stepping back to see the bigger picture: in little more than two decades China has achieved absolute dominance in the raw materials side of rare earth and forced much of the manufacturing industry to move to China.

Its coming export restrictions will force more of this, but will probably also stimulate non-Chinese raw material production as the price rises.

In the process China has acquired key tech transfers, as is its stated aim under the so-called 863 Program.

And, as a byproduct of US corporate decision making, the China-Japan axis has emerged as the centre of the rare earth economy.

The US is now so worried about all this that in the National Defense Act 2010 there is for the first time a whole section requiring the government to launch an urgent probe into the impact of rare earth dependence on national security.

But for years US governments - both in the Clinton and Bush eras - have stated they have no problem with the transfer of rare earth jobs, plants and science to China.

The whole story reveals a mismatch between Western and Asian ways of doing business, and of perceptions.

President Barack Obama has now, reportedly, accepted there will be a global resource crunch within a decade, led by peak oil.

But the Chinese and Japanese governments and industrial elites have been operating on a resource agenda for the past decade. China is demonstrably using foreign policy to gain direct access to supplies of raw materials.

When the Afghan war began, and the Russian involvement in the "Stans", it became common to talk about Central Asia being the "New Great Game" for the warring superpowers.

But the real new Great Game is being played in the swamps of the Niger Delta, on the borders of Colombia-Venezuela, in the metal mines of the DRC and now in the rare earth mines of the world.

For example, China attempted to buy 51% of the Australian rare earth mine, but pulled out in September when the Australian government vetoed this.

For decades US foreign policy, and much of the Western world behind it, has focused on security of supply of oil from the Middle East.

Chinese policy - foreign, industrial and commercial - now centres on finding and securing supplies not just of oil but of all major natural resources needed by an economy developing at 9% for the rest of the century.

The old, oil-based policy shaped the world; the rise of freemarket capitalism after 1989 became possible because no rival powers existed that could fragment the world economy and challenge US dominance; the new, multi-resource based policy of China (together with Japan and South Korea) is what is reshaping the world.

It has put roads through Kenya, and sent Chinese engineers into the swamps of West Africa and the airless space of the Andean metal mines.

As Asia powers out of the recession it is enchancing the prestige of a model based on resource monopolies, giant integrated manufacturing empires, overt black-marketeering and state directed industrial policy.

The FT's Martin Wolf reminds us we are stacking up a potentially huge conflict between the US and China over trade and currency - and these two issues are what dominate the thinking of free-market, Western-trained economists when they think of China.

But it seems to me that the West has been largely blindsided by the growing importance of resource strategy.

While the West was thinking about one thing, the big Asian industrial powers were thinking about another

Tuesday, 21 July 2009

nigeria ogoni

Cherie Kanaan's family live only yards away from an oil well in Ogoniland in the heart of Nigeria's troubled Niger Delta.

For the past 13 years, no oil has been pumped out of the ground here after Royal Dutch Shell stopped operations following environmental protests that led to the execution by the military of writer and activist Ken Saro-Wiwa.

Now the whole of Ogoniland is expecting Shell to be replaced and the drilling to restart.

When that happens the massive machinery of drilling, and its associated fumes and noise will return.

Since moving to the village of Kdere nine years ago, Mrs Kanaan has had four children.

Realistically there is no way her family will be able to stay there if another oil company comes back.

"I am afraid for my children," she says.

Vindication

However, when the Nigerian government announced in June it would replace Shell in Ogoniland, most people were jubilant.

It seemed to be a vindication of the 19-year struggle waged by the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (Mosop), founded by Ken Saro-Wiwa - a man who had become a thorn in the side of government and the multi-national oil company.

His execution in 1995 drew international condemnation and launched the conflict between people and oil companies in the Niger Delta into the media.

Mosop has since then run a non-violent campaign that has been largely successful in promoting the idea that the Ogoni people should be given a cut of the oil profits.

But since the removal of Shell was announced, uncertainty has crept in over what the future holds.

The government has not made any further announcements and is keeping any plans it has for reforming the way oil companies are allowed to operate very close to its chest.

Shell, even though it has not operated in the area since 1993 and refuses to comment on the subject, is still entitled to extract oil there.

The company says it learned of the government's decision in the pages of the newspapers.

It is likely it will remain in the background, keeping the significant Ogoni reserves on its books - and therefore avoiding a knock in their share price - in return for allowing another operator, government advisers say.

Frog chorus

For the Ogonis, who are poor and struggle to make a living from their farms, it will have to be a matter of trust.

They must hope the government finds a better operator and local representatives cut a good deal that will be administered properly.

Lush grasses, ferns and mosses may have grown over the pipes, and the bush around the rusting wells may throb with the chorus of frogs, but people are still struggling with environmental damage.

They say the land is still poisoned by the oil and old oil wells are vulnerable to sabotage and leaks.

Last year, a well head exploded, killing two people. It burned for three months before it was put out. In June, a well head in Kpor town sprayed thick yellow-brown crude all over farmlands.

More drilling will mean more environmental damage and the relocation of whole villages from the wells as people have moved into the area.

Activists say the inhabitants will make sacrifices if they are able to negotiate a deal that gives some of the profits from the oil and gas under their feet.

Sofiri Peterside, a lecturer in sociology at Port Harcourt University, says if Ogonis feel they will benefit from the oil they will be willing to relocate themselves.


"This is going to involve sacrifice, it's a process of negotiation. We should be able to get concrete terms."

Ben Naanen of the Ogoni Contact Group, an umbrella organisation of Ogoni activists, says people have confidence in them to get a good deal.

"People in Ogoni won't allow what has happened in the past to be repeated once they become owners in the process, people will see themselves as part of the establishment."

But other activists see a difficult period ahead.

"It is a serious issue, one that will need to be talked about," says Mosop President Ledum Mitee.

"Rather than relocate people we think that the wells should be relocated. I'm not sure that it will be easy for people to accept that drilling will be in the same areas."

Ogoni activists are pushing for their demands to be included as part of any contract the government draws up with Shell's replacement.

Top of their list is that a share of the profits given directly to the Ogoni people to be managed by a trust fund.

At the very least, activists say, they want oil companies to factor them in as a "cost of production".

But it remains questionable if that kind of deal is realistic.

'Flames of hell'

Activists from all parts of the Delta are looking to see how the government handles this, as it will have implications for the whole region.

Isaac Osuoka, from Social Action in nearby Bayelsa State, is sceptical the government will be able to force any company to agree to the Ogonis' terms.

"I have heard the president say he wants to address these issues, but only in private statements."

He says the government would have to do the same for all the other people in the Delta.

"But there's no sign the government is presenting a consistent policy, it's just confusion."

The only thing that is clear is that beneath Ogoniland remains significant reserves of both oil and gas.

And leaving them alone is not an option on the table.

The words of an Ogoni protest song in the 1990s went: "The flames of Shell are the flames of hell."

Ledor Muu, a mother of nine, in Kdere remembers back to that time.

"When Shell came they destroyed our farmlands and crops, didn't employ our people, they didn't help us at all," she says as she and other women walk towards their fields where they plant yams and fruit.

"Provided the next company do what Shell did not and empower the women, who do most of the work, we don't have a problem with them drilling for oil."

nigerian oil pirates

Under cover of night dozens of barges queue up to dock at a jetty in a creek somewhere in Nigeria's oil-rich Niger Delta.

Their holds are filled with stolen oil running from valves illegally installed into a pipeline.

Full, they chug downstream to meet around 10 larger ships near the oil export terminal in Bonny, Rivers State, where they disgorge their cargo.

By 0500, in the darkness before dawn, the ships uncouple from the barges and move out in a convoy to sea to rendezvous with a tanker which will spirit away the stolen oil, making it disappear into another cargo, bound for sale on the world market.

It is likely the tanker arrived partly loaded with guns, cocaine to be trafficked into Europe and cash, which they will use to pay for the oil.

Bogus shipping documents make their load - possibly tens of thousands of tons of crude oil - disappear into legitimate markets in Eastern Europe or America.

This, according to activists and former Nigerian government advisers, is the process by which Nigeria is losing billions of dollars every year to oil smuggling.

The illegal "bunkering", as it is known, makes a huge profit for Nigerian syndicates and rogue international traders.

It leaves in its wake chaos and misery for the people of the Niger Delta.

'Godfathers'

According to Nigeria's President Umaru Yar'Adua this is "blood oil", akin to the trade in "blood diamonds" that fuelled bloody civil wars in West African neighbours Liberia and Sierra Leone.

He is calling on the international community to help Nigeria end the trade.

Britain has promised military training to improve the Nigerian military Joint Task Force's ability to police the Delta region.

But a source close to the former government of President Olusegun Obasanjo says the problem is not about quashing militants in boats.

Some of the people who run the cartels are among Nigeria's top political "godfathers", who wield massive political influence.

"If the president goes after them, they could destabilise the country, cause a coup, a civil war. They are that powerful, they could bring the state down," said the source, who did not want to be identified.

He says that attempts in the past to bring the trade under control were stopped for that reason.

"This is an industry that makes £30m ($60m) a day, they'd kill you, me, anyone, in order to protect it," he said.

The militant connection

In order to get away with the theft, the bunkering syndicates operate under the cloak of the conflict between militants and oil companies in the Niger Delta.

They need "security" - gangs of armed heavies to protect their cargos - and threaten anyone who tries to interfere.

They don't have to look far to find large groups of unemployed youths willing to do what they are told for a little money.

State governments in the Delta armed militias to carry out widespread rigging during the 2003 elections.

But the militiamen say they were abandoned, so they turned to oil theft to fund their activities.

Although they are referred to in the media as "militants" there are few coherent groups.

Most are gangs, led by commanders who are perpetually at war with each other.

These youths protect bunkering ships, force local community leaders to let bunkerers pass and bribe the Nigerian military.

The thieves may also need "the boys" to blow up pipelines, forcing the oil company to shut down the flow, allowing them to install a tap in the pipe.

"Hot-tapping", as it is known, requires considerable expertise, usually supplied by a former oil company employee.

These militants don't see the process of oil theft as stealing, observers say.

They believe they are taking what is legitimately theirs from the companies and the government.

They organise themselves in "bunkering turfs", but outbreaks of violence between them have been frequent and bloody.

'Legal theft'

But militant-assisted theft is not the only way oil is stolen.

According to a source close to the government of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, the heavy military presence in the Delta has led oil bunkerers to find other ways to extract more oil.

Simply put, they just load more onto a ship than they are allowed to.

With the connivance of officials from international oil companies, national oil parastatal officials and ships' captains, oil can be stolen through the legitimate process of lifting oil from the dock to the ship.

One oil company employee told the BBC that his company had discovered a vessel they were using had a secret compartment behind the bridge, where tens of thousands of barrels could be redirected at the flick of a switch while the hold was being filled.

Other ways include almost filling the ship with legitimate oil, then topping it up with oil that hasn't been paid for legitimately, according to government sources.

Or a whole ship can be filled with stolen crude using fake documents.

Estimates on how much oil is stolen in this manner vary, but according to the International Maritime Organisation last year it amounted to 80,000 barrels every day.

Part of the problem is that no one can be sure how much oil is being taken out of the ground.

Shipping documents can be forged.

Also ownership of a shipment can be transferred while the vessel is on the high seas, making cargo tracking incredibly difficult.

Possible solution?

The only way to shut down the oil cartels, observers say, is a tighter regulatory framework.

This would involve electronic bills of how much oil a ship has loaded, which would record if they had been tampered with.

Oil can also be "fingerprinted".

The technology to distinguish between different types of oil exists already, says Patrick Dele Cole, a former adviser to Mr Obasanjo.

Oil companies do this routinely already, sources say. All that would be needed is a database of all the different types of Nigerian crude.

The UK has offered to train the military, and President Yar'Adua wants to form a "maritime academy" naval installation in the Delta.

But activists in the Delta say that increasing the military presence would be counterproductive.

It would increase resentment and militants' numbers - the level of violence would rise, they say.

And the Nigerian military is part of that violence, observers say.

Soldiers have indiscriminately burned whole towns and killed civilians, according to activists.

The high price of oil today is partly a result of Nigeria's complex and shadowy world of corruption and violence.

It is into this chaotic shadow world that the UK is about to commit itself.

nigerian chief remembers

Chief Sunday Inengite remembers the day the foreigners who had come to his village in Nigeria's Niger Delta struck oil.

"They made us be happy and clap like fools, dance as if we were trained monkeys," he says.

Years later, the 74-year-old now looks back on his youthful enthusiasm with sour regret.

Nigeria has become Africa's biggest oil producer, but the people of Oloibiri complain they have not seen much of the money made in the 52 years of oil production.

"It smacks of wickedness, hard-heartedness," he says.

Inquisitive

Mr Inengite was 19 years old when the foreign engineers came looking for oil in 1953.

An inquisitive young man, he made friends with the British, German and Dutch engineers during the years they were exploring the area around Oloibiri, now in Bayelsa State.

"I was trying to know why they were all here, going into the forests and into the swamps."

The village elders thought they were looking for palm oil - a valuable edible oil that had been exported from West Africa since the first European traders arrived hundreds of years before.

"It wasn't until we saw what they called the oil - the black stuff - that we knew they were after something different," Mr Inengite said.

The explorers threw a party at their house-boat and invited everyone from the village to see samples of the oil they had been looking for.

"You can imagine the jubilation, after all they had been looking for oil in commercial quantities for years."

But now he says the environment has been damaged, affecting fish catches, and the small plots of land where people had grown crops are polluted by oil spills and gas flares.

"You see fish floating on the surface of the water, something we didn't know before."

"It may be difficult to make a catch that will be enough for your family for one day."

Government corruption

But the problem is not caused just by the oil companies.

The government gets tax and royalties on the oil the companies produce.

The government is also a majority shareholder in Nigeria's oil industry and has made over $1.6trillion in revenue over the last 50 years, according to analysts at Standard Bank.

"I don't only blame the whites that came here, what about the government?" Mr Ingenite says.

"People in the government get nearly all the money from the economy."

When the BBC visited the first oil well a few kilometres down the road, we were approached by men working as commercial motorcycle taxis.

They all insisted oil companies, especially Royal Dutch Shell, should give them money as compensation for taking the oil.

But as we spoke, a local government official drove up in his brand new luxury four-wheel-drive car, an expensive gold watch dangling on his wrist.

Why don't people ask their leaders where their money is?

"They have hearts as black as coal, they are evil people - what would be the point?" said Julius Esam, 27.

'Oil museum'

A nearby mosquito infested swamp was being cleared to build a 300-bed hotel and conference centre with an oil "museum".

The contractor told the BBC the project was costing the state government 90billion naira ($592million, £298million.)

Dimeari Von Kemedi, in charge of scrutinising contracts made by the Bayelsa state government said he would stop the project.

"But it's very difficult to prevent every badly conceived or corrupt contract going through," he said.

The access to corrupt money allowed by political office in the Niger Delta is also responsible for the emergence of violent groups in the area.

Groups of "boys" were armed by government during the 2003 elections.

Their job was to ensure the ruling People's Democratic Party held onto power and therefore the oil money.

These groups later got involved in oil theft, stealing tens of thousands of barrels a day for powerful syndicates, kidnapping and extortion.

Although groups like the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (Mend) use their contacts with journalists to promote a political agenda, most armed groups are criminal gangs who want their own share of the money being divided among the powerful.

Mr Ingenite says in his old age, he now understands what the militancy wants.

"We frowned at violence because we are very hospitable to those that come," he said.

"But it can't be so today, and if they act the way they do, you can't blame them, because their blood is hot, not like old men's that is cool."

nigeria war

Thousands flee Nigeria Delta fighting

Warri refugees

By Andrew Walker
BBC News, Warri

Thousands of refugees from a remote area of a Nigerian oil-producing state have fled fighting between the military and oil rebels; sleeping in the swamps and too afraid to go home.

When military helicopters buzzed over the small town of Oporoza, in Nigeria's Niger Delta, it was just two days after 19-year-old Happiness Michael had given birth.

The helicopter gunships hovered low over a crowded street, where people had gathered to celebrate an annual festival, and opened fire with machine guns and rockets, according to several accounts.

Happiness Michael and her baby
Happiness Michael and her baby fled into the bush

"I saw bombs and fire and shooting, we fled," the teenager told the BBC.

The assault last Friday was the beginning of a six-day campaign by the Nigerian military's Joint Task Force (JTF), which is in charge of security in the Niger Delta, fighting oil militants.

Nigeria is one of the world's major oil exporters but in recent years, militant attacks have cut production by about 20%.

Now the military says it is determined to stop the sabotage of oil installations and kidnapping of oil workers though local civilians say they are paying the price.

'Terrified of the military'

But the military action in the region, home to much of Nigeria's oil industry, will continue, commanding officers have said.

Happiness took her baby and ran into the swampy forest along with thousands of other villagers.

They slept in the bush for five nights before they could make their way to the outskirts of the Delta State city of Warri.

Chief Alfred Bubor
Actually, I was on the toilet when I heard this boom, and all the lights went and the wall started falling down
Chief Alfred Bubor

When the BBC found them, they were in a group of around 150 other women and children pressing against the bars of a shop, trying to get a hand-out of food.

Their elderly parents, husbands, brothers and eldest sons are still in the bush, terrified of the military.

Hundreds more, possibly thousands of refugees in total, are scattered in forests and swamps across the area.

A lucky few have made it to the relative safety of family homes in Warri.

Some have also been killed, the women say, by the military as they sweep the area on what the military calls a cordon and search mission.

"Many are dead, they die. Finish!" said Alice Christopher.

"When the bombs come we scatter, I cry-cry, I tire-tire," she added.

Different versions

There are two versions of events leading up to Friday's assault on Oporoza in the Gbaramatu kingdom of Delta State.

Government Tompolo
Mend leader Government Tompolo is now on the run

The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (Mend) says the military launched an unprovoked attack on a militant camp in the riverine area, west of warri.

The JTF says one of its patrols was ambushed.

The military has been making sweeps through the area looking for militants and 15 hostages taken from a petrol tanker hijacked by Mend on Thursday.

They are also searching for 12 soldiers missing in action during the fighting.

People who have fled to Warri say the military is systematically torching villages as they go, but the commander of the JTF denies this.

It is impossible to verify what is happening in the area, as the military have stopped all boats - the only way to get to the Gbaramatu kingdom - from leaving Warri.

It is also impossible to know how many have died - the military are not giving any figures.

'Thousands of bullets'

Chief Alfred Bubor, a traditional leader and spokesman for the kingdom of Gbaramatu, was wounded in the helicopter attack.

Gen Sarkin Yakin Bello
How can an innocent person be in [militant leader Government] Tompolo's house, among the militants
Gen Sarkin Yakin Bello

Preparations were being made in the village for 600 dancers to come and perform in front of the king's palace when the assault happened, but Mr Bubor had excused himself from the gathering.

"Actually, I was on the toilet when I heard this boom, and all the lights went and the wall started falling down," he told the BBC in his house in Warri.

The 76-year-old was shot in the hand, injured on the head by falling blocks and scarred by shrapnel on his chest.

He emerged from the wrecked house and saw the helicopter fly past.

"I could see the pilot flying the helicopter, there were thousands of bullets flying into the building," he said.

JTF commander Gen Sarkin Yakin Bello told journalists that the military was targeting oil militants loyal to the commander of Mend, the amazingly named Government Tompolo.

He said the helicopters were firing at a guest house belonging to Mr Tompolo.

"How can an innocent person be in Mr Tompolo's house, among the militants?" said Gen Bello.

Mr Tompolo is now on the run and the military say they will not stop until they have found him, and the soldiers missing in action.

Joint Task Force
The military showed reporters what they seized from a guest house

They say they seized weapons from the guest house, and showed journalists a stock of rusty rifles, heavy machine guns, anti-aircraft ammunition, and buckets of bullets.

"It is worth it, because if we remove one criminal, then the whole level of criminality in the region will be reduced," said JTF spokesman Lt Col Rabe Abubakar

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